Trading Bougainville Copper (ADRs) 867948
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Vorort Versuche waren jedoch alle negativ, sogar als "Freier Mitarbeiter" einer AU Company, ohne Aufenthalsgenehmigung kein Konto.
Aber vielleicht hat ja jemand anders mehr Glück
Entweder gibt es News zum Mining Act aus Boug. oder die Trickys (C+C?) sind am Werk.
Kristian Lasslett | New Matilda
Internment camps, the mortaring of children, aerial bombardments, assassinations, rape, and the denial of humanitarian aid — these are just some of the criminal state practices endured by civilians during Papua New Guinea’s decade-long civil war on the island of Bougainville (1988-1998). No senior official from Australia or PNG has been formally censured, let alone prosecuted, for their involvement in this dirty war.
To compound matters, over the past two years Australian mining companies have appointed to their boards of directors individuals that headed organisations directly responsible for some of the worst atrocities during this dark period. Universities and the media have played a part too, lending cultural capital to various senior players, without a word on the crimes that occurred under their watch.
Perhaps the most overt example to date involves Sir Rabbie Namaliu, who was PNG’s prime minister during 1988-1992. Under his prime ministership, the security situation on Bougainville gradually deteriorated, after aggrieved landowners shut down the lucrative Panguna copper and gold mine employing industrial sabotage. The mine was operated by Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), the PNG subsidiary of British-Australian giant Rio Tinto.
Fuelling the violence was a systematic campaign of state terror administered by the Namaliu government. During March/April 1989, state violence was primarily directed at communities believed responsible for the mine attacks — at the time the mine provided 24 per cent of government revenue. Dozens of villages were burnt to the ground by police mobile squad units.
Following these attacks a state of emergency was declared in a bid to combat an emerging insurgency led by the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA). This allowed the PNG Defence Force to come to the fore. In a series of progressively more brutal counterinsurgency operations, homes on Bougainville were bombarded with mortars — which included white phosphorous rounds — and grenades fired from Australian supplied helicopters. Those suspected of BRA affiliation were taken out and tortured, many were killed.
However, arguably the most harmful action taken by the PNG state under Namaliu’s prime ministership, was the decision to place a military blockade around Bougainville in May 1990. Nothing was allowed in, not even medical aid. The humanitarian effects were profound. Drawing on data collected by Bougainvillean doctors, Community Aid Abroad worker, Lissa Evans, warned in 1992 that “over 3000 people have died as a direct consequence of the blockade”.
For the PNG state this was a wholly welcomed effect. Indeed, when the government began experimenting with the strategic use of embargoes during late 1989, a senior civil servant told BCL executives, “when people start to feel the hardships in education and health they may start to turn against the militants”. This view was again reiterated in an internal planning document, authored by PNG’s Department of Defence:
“People are facing hardships as a result of the absence of medical [aid] and basic goods and services ... the government should continually push for peace talks outside of NSP [North Solomons Province], at the same time cut off further shipping, deliberately to worsen the hardships people are already facing.”
Was Namaliu aware of the motives underpinning the military blockade of Bougainvlle? As prime minister one would expect so, and his testimony from September 1990 suggests he was complicit. Speaking at a press conference, Namaliu remarked:
"If for instance you look at the situation as it has existed now since March — the level of services in the province has collapsed totally … So in that sense it is difficult to entrench your position if you don’t have the goods to deliver to the people. Eventually the people themselves would get frustrated and will start applying, as they are in fact doing, pressure on you to either resume the services or something else might develop."
Given that the denial of humanitarian aid was coupled to a systematic campaign of torture and killing, all of which occurred under Namaliu’s watch, the former PNG prime minister would appear a bad choice for any company wishing to display its social responsibility credentials, especially if that company was itself directly implicated in the Bougainville war.
Yet in early 2011 it was announced that Namaliu had been appointed to the board of BCL — the very company which had fed, housed and helped transport troops as they sacked Bougainvillean villages — earning him K120,000 (A$55,000) annually.
Many others organisations also appear to suffer historical amnesia, including AusAID, Interoil, Marengo Mining, Kramer Ausenco, and Kina Securities, bodies which have all seen fit to appoint Namaliu to their boards (in the case of AusAID, Namaliu sits on their Advisory Panel for the Pacific Leadership Programme).
Additionally, Namaliu is a frequent visitor to the Australian National University (ANU), indeed we are told, “ANU is delighted to have the opportunity to host this esteemed leader and analyst”. Namaliu is even part of the editorial team for the ANU journal, Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies.
Of course, were too many fingers pointed in Namaliu’s direction, there is every chance the finger would soon be pointed back at Australia, a country whose government placed inordinate pressure on the PNG state to employ military force against the Bougainville revolt. Nevertheless, for mining multinationals, much less premier universities, to uncritically engage a pacific leader who not only presided over the most brutal campaign of state violence witnessed in the region since World War II, but did so in a bid to reopen a mine, speaks volumes about the veneer of “social responsibility”.
It would be unfair to focus solely on Namaliu. Indeed, others from the period are also in receipt of largesse from Australian corporates. For example, in February this year Australian miner, Kula Gold, announced that the Bougainvillean businessman, Sam Akoitai, would be joining the Board of their PNG subsidiary Woodlark Mining Limited. While two years before Akoitai was made a non-executive Director at Pacific Niugini.
Indeed, for most of the 1990s Akoitai led the Bougainville Resistance. Set up during 1990-91, the resistance was a feared, loosely knit paramilitary organisation loyal to the national government. A senior PNG civil servant remembers: “He came in as the leader of the Resistance Forces, Sam Akoitai ... We had to deal with him, we had to encourage him, and give him money. In the end he became the best thing, to have the Resistance Forces”.
Not everyone would agree. Amnesty International concludes that under Akoitai’s Chairmanship the Resistance Forces committed numerous atrocities:
“The Resistance Forces have been responsible for serious human rights violations including unlawful and deliberate killings and “disappearances” of civilians and BRA suspects. They are also alleged to have engaged in intimidation of those wishing to provide information about human rights violations and of government officials over delays in payment of their allowance”.
That is not to suggest that Akoitai necessarily ordered or participated in these alleged crimes. Nevertheless, given his senior position, serious questions remain over his responsibility for resistance atrocities.
That these questions have been forgotten, both in the case of Akoitai, Namaliu and many others, suggest a collective amnesia has set in. On the other hand, people on Bougainville remember the death and destruction well. Their stories, however, are gradually being erased from this historical record through a process of willed omission.
Unlike East Timor, the Solomon Islands, Guatemala, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and many other post-conflict zones, there has been no truth commission for this war, let alone trials, reparations or indeed basic mental health care. Even attempts by victims to obtain legal redress through PNG’s national court system have been blocked, while a class action against Rio Tinto, currently underway in the United States, crawls along at a snail’s pace.
Yet in the absence of truth and justice, those individuals who shoulder greatest responsibility for the “widespread” and “systematic” attacks on Bougainvillean civilians (crimes against humanity), not the individual combatants, but their political and military masters, are free to assume corporate and public office.
Meanwhile, many on Bougainville relive painful memories from the war on a daily basis, seemingly forgotten by a world that would rather not know about their trauma, or those responsible for it.
Kurs Am 4. 03.13 bei 0,35.
By Aloysius Laukai
The Bougainville Autonomy Review team announced by ABG President DR. JOHN MOMIS during the launching in Buka will start visiting locations on Bougainville to begin the review process.
According to reports received by New Dawn FM, the team has been broken into team one and two to try to cover the entire Bougainville Region.
Team one which is made up of members, NEMO YALO, MARK SMITH,LAWRENCE SAUSE, DENNIS MATAWAN and THERESE SIAGURU whilst team two are made up of members, DR. NAIHWUO AHAI,PROFESSOR SATISH CHAND, DANNY ALOI, JOHN MOONEY and CHRISTOPHER ASA.
The teams would start meeting people as of next week.
According to the program, the team will meet with the ABG President and the Vice President on Tuesday April 2nd, 2013 at the ABG Parliament house in Kubu.
They will meet the ABG ordinary members later in the day.
The team that will cover North Bougainville will also meet with the people of Tinputz and Kunua and the people from the Atolls district.
A full detailed program will be released later.
Meetings in South and Central Bougainville will start from the Buin District Office on April 6th, 2013.
They will then travel to Siwai and onto the BANA district, Arawa and Panguna will be covered.
The team will return to Port Moresby after completing the whole region on April 17th,2013.
Ends
Hab Axel letzte Woche mal per Mail angeschrieben; aber keine Antwort erhalten!
...........will seek the public views
Posted at 07:31 on 02 April, 2013 UTC
A review of the autonomy arrangements in Papua New Guinea"s Bougainville is expected to garner views from across the province.
The review team includes representatives from the ABG, the national Government and academics.
One member, Wollongong University political scientist, Professor Ted Wolfers, says the need for a review is laid out within the Bougainville Peace Agreement, because such an arrangement hadn"t been made before.
Professor Wolfers says the process has two main requirements - to see how well the arrangements are working and to lay the groundwork for the referendum on possible independence, due some time after 2015.
He says some members of the review team will be on the ground to assess people"s concerns.
"Many of the questions are about how you are addressing the transfers functions and powers, is there enough funding and so on, but there may well be issues on the ground, in the law and order area, or the development area, which require more local engagement or at least more local input into the process."
Professor Ted Wolfers.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
Jetzt sehe ich gerade, dass um 10:04 Uhr 1000 Stück zu 0,493 gehandelt wurden.
Ein Schnäppchen für den Käufer. Ein schlechtes Geschäft für den Verkäufer.
Und ich guck auch in die Röhre.
Der Geld-Kurs hat sich auch nur von 0,493 auf 0,494 bewegt.
Sollten da nicht meine 0,504 stehen?
Irgendwie sieht das ganze nach billigen Kursen aus. Nur kann man nicht zu diesen Kursen kaufen. Ein Schelm wer Böses dabei denkt.
Telefonisch nachgehakt: man bleibt bei dieser Position.
Bezgl. der Anfrage von Thomsonreuters liefe noch eine weitere Recherche, weshalb ich erst später Bescheid bekäme (hatte nachgefragt, ob meine Anschrift + Stückzahl an BCL weitergereicht wurde auf diesem Weg).
gruß, b.
"If you are looking to transfer your shares to the Australian register, I suggest you contact CommSec. They are the biggest retail broker in Australia and I’m sure would be happy to help. If you need a contact, I can provide you with one that will help you transfer your shares. Please let me know."
Vorab kannst du ja nochmal bei der DAB anfragen welches Prozedere du einleiten müsstest um die Shares zu CommSec zu übertragen.
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